Corporate-backed private school chains for the poor: The South African experience

Sonia Languille

Since the 2000s, there has been an impressive growth in basic education enrolment in the global South. However, the quality of education has remained low for the majority of learners. Against this undisputed diagnosis, advocates of education privatisation argue that access to quality education in developing and emerging countries calls for an expansion of private provision through so-called ‘low-cost’ or ‘low-fee private schools for the poor’ (Tooley and Dixon 2005). While private education has been reserved for a wealthy elite for decades, low-fee private schools would purportedly serve the educational needs of the ‘bottom of the pyramid’. This article provides critical insights into emerging ‘affordable’ private-school chains in South Africa.

Commodification of education: a global trend

Over the past decade, private schooling has been on the rise in low and middle income countries. However, the actual scope of the low-fee schools phenomenon remains difficult to assess: education censuses cover private institutions imperfectly, and some low-fee schools remain unregistered. Notwithstanding this statistical uncertainty, the spread of low-fee, for-profit private schools epitomises a global trend: over the past three decades, worldwide, profit-oriented investment in the field of education has increased, although the intensity of education privatisation, in its various forms, has differed according to national contexts.

‘Carwasheros’ unionise in New York City: community-labour partnerships and the challenges of organising a runaway industry

Carwasheros on strike in Park Slope, Brooklyn
(Photo Credit: Center for Popular Democracy)

New York City carwashes harbour some of the most exploitative labour practices in the city. State law sets carwash workers’ hourly minimum wage at nearly three dollars below the state minimum – US$7.25 per hour in 2012, when carwash workers began organising. Employers are expected to pay workers the difference in tips, but minimum wage violations are rampant in this cash-run and largely unregulated industry. A 2008 New York Department of Labour report found 78% of investigated carwash operators violated minimum-wage laws, depriving workers of more than US$6.5 million (Smith, 2008). Compounding already precarious working conditions, many carwasheros, as some workers call themselves, are undocumented immigrants, a vulnerability employers prey upon by threatening to call immigration when workers begin to organise (Center for Popular Democracy, 2013).

ILO is the sole shield for millions of workers: Interview with Bernard Thibault

Bernard Thibault

This is a shortened version of an interview by David Eloy that first appeared in the French magazine Altermondes.

On 25 February 2015, the International Labour Organisation (ILO) emerged from a crisis that had blocked it from functioning properly for three years. The cause of that crisis was that the employers’ organisations called into question the right to strike. Could you talk us through that dispute?

Bernard Thibault: The ILO was born in the aftermath of the First World War, in response to the simple observation that the origins of war are to be found in social precarity and poverty. So the nations agreed to create a body of worldwide labour law, including basic texts on freedom of association and the right to strike. Established a little later, the Committee of Experts on the Application of Conventions and Recommendations is tasked with examining how states implement these standards and with issuing opinions. So in case of violations, states can find themselves in the hot seat. But from 2012 onwards, the employers’ organisations contested the fact that these experts could recognise a right to strike in countries where this right is not provided for in the constitution.

The Scope for Progressive Tax Reform in the OECD Countries: A Macroeconomic Perspective

Sarah Godar

Achim Truger

Over the past decades, the redistributive effect of the tax system in most OECD countries has been substantially and deliberately weakened by tax policies which reduce the tax burden on wealth. Personal and corporate income tax rates have been massively reduced and special provisions privilege capital income. At the same time, rich individuals and corporations have increasingly used legal and illegal tax evasion by shifting income or profits to low tax countries. If this trend continues, the disparities in income distribution will continue to rise. In the long run the financing of the welfare state will be seriously threatened.

However the budgetary stress experienced since the Great Recession, together with substantial increases in disparities in the distribution of income and wealth, have put progressive tax reforms back on the agenda in many OECD countries. There are some signs that the downward trend in redistributive taxation may be coming to a halt (Godar/Paetz/Truger, 2014). A number of international institutions have also commented in a more or less progressive way on how to achieve fiscal consolidation through a socially acceptable tax reform.

Interview with German prisoners union GG/BO about the recent prison strike in December 2015

Jörg Nowak

The prison population in Germany has not been a focus of trade unions in the past, but it is an emerging site of industrial labour. Out of 60.000 prisoners in Germany, around 40 000 are workers and the rest are either retired or sick. In 11 out of 16 federal states, prison labour is forced labour. All major automobile producers in Germany are subcontracting assembly work to prisons, as well as white-goods producers and solar-energy companies.

Prisoners earn between € (Euro) 1.50 and €2 an hour while the German minimum wage is €8.50, and they do not have a right to strike. Prison workers are covered by unemployment insurance but excluded from old-age insurance. A law for old-age insurance was planned in 1977, but never legislated. The companies that outsource work to prisons are exempt from contributions to social insurance funds. Thus the unemployment insurance is covered by tax-payers.

While prison guards have long been organised in two different trade unions, prisoners were not organised until 2014. Two prisoners in Berlin-Tegel created the prisoners’ union GG/BO (Gefangenengewerkschaft/Bundesweite Organisation) in May 2014, and it now has around 800 members in more than 40 German prisons. A section was founded in Austria in late 2015.