skip to main | skip to sidebar
Global Labour Column Archive
  • HOME
    • ABOUT US
    • GLC ANTHOLOGIES
  • LINKS
    • RECOMMENDED SITES
    • DISCLAIMER
  • AUTHORS
  • GLOBAL BOARD
  • CONTACT
  • GLU
  • ICDD
  • Follow Us on Twitter
  • Monday, July 21, 2014

    Chinese Construction Companies in Africa: A Challenge for Trade Unions

    Eddie Cottle
    The recently Chinese-built African Union (AU) headquarters, in Addis Ababa, is a bold symbol of China's rapidly changing role in Africa. China-African relations run as far deep as China being the biggest supporter of Africa’s anti-colonial struggle and the first to assist reconstruction efforts for the newly formed African States. The most famous example is the 1,800 kilometre Tanzania-Zambia Railway (Tazara) that was built in the 1970’s by some 50,000 Chinese engineers and workers, during which 64 of these workers died. China had provided a US $400m interest free loan to build the railway; even at a time when it was poorer than most African countries.

    Chinese investment boosts African economic growth and infrastructure
    China’s rapidly growing economy has resulted in the need to secure energy resources for stable development in the future. In this regard, Africa's importance to China's overseas investment agenda would still remain significant. In July 2012, President Hu Jintao pledged $20bn in credit for Africa for lucrative investment and infrastructure - critical and to the annoyance of the West is China’s no-strings attached loans. Two years previous to that, in 2010, China and Ghana signed an agreement for a 20 year loan of $13,1bn with an interest payment of only 2%. There is increasing fear over this arrangement that it might lead African countries to opt-out of International Monetary Fund -World Bank loans and other forms of dependence on Europe and the US.

    Over 2000 Chinese State Owned Companies (SOE’s) have now established business in Africa. The World Bank in 2013 claimed that 55 per cent of all African investment projects were now driven by private enterprises. Two-way trade between China and Africa hit $166bn in 2011. Compared to the approximate $2bn in 1999 this is a huge jump; making China the largest individual trading partner in Africa. Trade, including massive investments, have directly contributed to the unprecedented economic rise in Africa.

    Chinese state-owned and private companies are making strategic inroads into the construction and infrastructure sectors in many African economies. The head of Vinci, the world’s largest contractor, indicated that Chinese firms often submit bids three-quarters less than western firms. Furthermore, Chinese engineers are paid approximately US$130 per month, one sixth of what European construction firms pay Angolan engineers. Chinese companies now dominate the African construction sector, with a market share larger than those of France, Italy and US combined. The share of Chinese enterprises in the African market rose significantly from 26.9% in 2007 to 42.4% in 2008 and down to 36.6% in 2009.

    Rail infrastructure in Angola, one of China's top oil suppliers, is rapidly expanding as part of an infrastructure-for-oil' trade agreement between the two countries. Kenya recently signed a $5bn deal with China to construct a 952-km rail link from the city port of Mombasa to Malaba, a town near its border with Uganda. This is expected to be extended to Rwanda, Uganda and Tanzania by 2018.

    In September 2012, the China Railway Construction Corp. (CRC) signed a $1.5bn contract to rehabilitate a railway system in Nigeria. The CRC has ongoing projects in Djibouti, Ethiopia and Nigeria worth about $1.5bn in total.

    China South Locomotive and Rolling Stock Corporation, a major train manufacturer in China, is bringing in $400 million worth of locomotives to South Africa. And China's Export-Import Bank is financing the Mombasa-Nairobi railroad line with $4 billion while the Addis Ababa-Djibouti line is being rehabilitated at a cost of $3 billion.

    African trade unions challenge Chinese companies
    However, the issue of poor labour standards has been one of the most controversial aspects of Chinese investments - pitting trade unions against Chinese companies and government officials. Despite the odds, African trade unions affiliated to Building & Wood Workers’ International (BWI) have made a landmark collective bargaining agreement and are actively recruiting workers on Chinese SOE’s worksites.[1]

    By early 2013, the Ghana Construction and Building Materials Workers Union (CBMWU) had signed 8 collective agreements with different Chinese companies. The collective contract includes recognition of trade unions, union security clauses, individual and collective rights, procedural processes for addressing conflicts over interests and rights, monetary and non-monetary provisions, paid vacation leaves and exit packages-. Similarly, The Kenya Building, Construction, Timber and Furniture Industries Employees Union have been able to sign 4 collective agreements with China Road and Bridge Corporation, China Sinohydro Cooperation, China Overseas Corporation, and China Jiangsu International.

    During 2012, the Uganda construction union (UBCCECAWU) recruited more than 200 women members and over 1,600 male members in the above mentioned companies. The union has also recruited workers from some of the notoriously difficult Chinese employers, including China Sinohydro Construction Corporation (Ntugamo project) and China Chonguing International Construction Corporation (CICO).

    BWI research in Tanzania found that Chinese companies were violating the Freedom of Association of the Employment and Labour Relations Act of Tanzania. In Namibia and Zambia, the trade unions had access to company sites and were organising and recruiting members freely, including having recognition agreements and concluding collective agreements. Thus, African construction trade unions have taken the global lead in the labour movement in organising and bargaining with Chinese construction firms.

    With regard to China-Africa relations, 2013 was a year marked by continuous debate on the political dimension of this relationship. China’s economic involvement on the continent has been accompanied with speculation that their role has shifted from that of a supporter of Africa’s liberation to one as a neo-colonial power, competing with the West for influence in a new ‘Scramble for Africa’. However, other scholars have cited that the Asian power is largely following the same grand strategy it pursued from 1954 till present: that of non-interference in the internal policies of African states which is devoid of political conditionality. Furthermore, African countries have welcomed China’s non-interference strategy which has been viewed as a ‘refreshing departure from the prescriptive policy of the West’ which forced African leaders into the straitjacket of structural adjustment programmes. On this score alone, the accusation of China pursuing a neo-colonial agenda in Africa falls short.

    Extending the struggle to FOCAC
    At the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) V, in 2012 African leaders openly tabled the contentious issues in the relationship with China which were once avoided at previous FOCAC meetings. China responded in favour of infrastructure development in line with Africa’s own regional integration projects as well as promoting greater product beneficiation in the resource sector. Finally, South Africa’s role as host of the upcoming FOCAC in 2015 places it in a unique position to influence the tenor and trajectory of this longstanding collaborative initiative. This context provides a key opportunity for ITUC-Africa, the Building and Wood Workers’ International and South Africa’s trade union federations to launch a campaign to place labour firmly on the agenda of the forthcoming FOCAC meeting and in so doing would add a completely new dimension to China-African relations.
    [1] More information on the global presence of Chinese construction MNC’s and BWI’s pioneering work     

    Download this article as pdf

    Eddie Cottle is the former policy and campaign coordinator of BWI, Africa & Middle East Region and is currently employed at the Labour Research Service, Cape Town, South Africa.

    References:
    Alden, C. 2012. ‘FOCAC’s Present and its South African Future’. SAIIA. 25 July (accessed 6 July 2014)

    Beattie, A., and Callan, E. 2006. “China loans create new wave of African Debt”. FT.com. 7 December

    Centre for Chinese Studies. 2006. China’s Interest and Activity in Africa’s Construction and Infrastructure Sectors, prepared for DIFD China, Stellenbosch University.

    Centre for Chinese Studies. 2012. ‘Policy Briefing: FOCAC: trade, investment and ain in China-Africa relations’, May Chen, C., Goldstein, A, and J., Ryan. ORR. 2009. ‘Local operations of Chinese Construction Firms in Africa: An empirical Survey’, in The Journal of Construction Management, p76

    Forum on China-Africa Co-operation. 2009. Programme for China-Africa Cooperation in Economic and Social Development. FOCAC archives.

    Centre for Chinese Studies. 2006. ‘China’s Interest and Activity in Africa’s Construction and Infrastructure Sectors’, A research undertaking for DFID China.

    China International Contractors Association. 2012. News Letter, Vol. o1, 30 March.

    China International Contractors Association. 2012. International Project Contracting.  (accessed 23 July 2012)

    Chen, C., Goldstein, A., and Ryan J. ORR. ‘Local operations of Chinese Construction Firms in Africa: An empirical Survey’

    Guliwe, T. 2009. “An introduction to Chinese-African relations,” in A, Y., Baah and H, Jauch (ed), Chinese Investments in Africa: A Labour Perspective. Africa Labour Research Network

    Lawrence, O.A. 2014. ‘From non-interference to preponderance: China’s future grand strategy in Africa’. The China Monitor, Issue 2, June. (accessed 6 July 2014).

    Liu, B and Stocken, R. 2012. ‘Africa: Why Chinese Companies Are Successful in Africa’. 4 January. AllAfrica.com.

    Lokongo, A.R. 2012. ‘New AU headquarters: A tribute to China-Africa relations’, (accessed 14 July 2012)

    Niikondo,A., and Coetzee, J. 2008. “The Impact of the Chinese Economic Expansion in Namibia: A Case Study of retail and construction sectors in Windhoek’, in Department of Public Management, Polytechnic of Namibia, 16 October, p5.

    The Infrastructure Consortium for Africa. 2011. ‘Annual Report 2010: Financial Commitments and Disbursements for Infrastructure in Africa for 2010’, August.

    Vaughan, J. 2012. ‘New AU headquarters marks strong China-Africa ties’, Modern Ghana online, 27 January, (accessed 4 July 2014).

    Posted in: Chinese Investment,Construction Sector,Labour
    Email This BlogThis! Share to Twitter Share to Facebook
    Newer Post Older Post Home

    0 Comments:

    Post a Comment

    Share

    Twitter Facebook Stumbleupon Favorites More

    Subscribe to the Mailing List

    If you want to subscribe to the GLC mailing list, please click here or send an empty email to "List-GLColumn-subscribe@global-labour-university.org"

    Contribute to the GLC

    If you want to contribute to the Global Labour Column, please read here the Guidelines for Contributions

    Languages






    Donations

    More Info

    Popular Posts

      T-Shirt Economics: Labour in the Imperialist World Economy
      Chinese Construction Companies in Africa: A Challenge for Trade Unions
      Ruskin, the trade union college, is under siege

    TAGS

    Trade Unions Financial Crisis Workers' rights Globalisation Neoliberalism Labour Market Collective Bargaining Decent Work Inequality Labour Standards Wage Social Movements Europe Development Strategies Struggle Progressive alliances Strike Growth Labour Labour rights Financial Market Tax Financial Regulation Social Security Public Investment Social Democracy South Africa Economic Democracy Fiscal Space Germany Informal Economy Corporate Governance Freedom of Association ILO Minimum Wage United States Competitiveness Human Rights Labour Movements Trade Union Austerity Central Bank Environment Free Trade Free Trade Agreement Greece Labour Movement Social Protection State Funding Transnational Solidarity Unemployment Vietnam Workers’ Rights Crowd Work Domestic Workers Economic Crisis Education Employment Forced Labour France Global Warming Labour Market Flexibility Labour Statistics Migration National Minimum Wage Public Works Programmes Trade Union Divisions Workers' unity Agriculture Brexit Care Work Construction Sector Cooperatives Crisis Economic Alternatives Economic Reform Farmworkers Financialisation Globalization Indonesia Just Transition Labour Process Liberalisation Macroeconomic Policy NUM Nationalism Occupational Health Organising Outsourcing Portugal Privatisation Refugees Regulation Reserve Army of Labour Right to strike Social Dialogue Social Justice Solidarity Tax Evasion Welfare State Workers Rights Workers’ Organisations AMCU Africa Alternative Sources of Power Anti-privatisation Anti-union Violence Automobiles Brazil Business and Human Rights Capital Flight Capitalism Chinese Investment Climate Change Collectivity Colombia Community Monitoring Conference Corporate Transparency Coup Cuba Debt Restructuring Decriminalisation Demand Democracy Developed and Developing Countries Development Digitisation Disciplining of the superfluous labour force Domestic Work Economic Development Egypt Elections Entrepreneurship Eurozone Crisis Executive Compensation Factory Occupations Fair Trade Farm Workers Feminism Finance Financial Crises Financial Innovation Financial crisis. Fiscal Austerity Food Sovereignty G20 Gender Gentrification Global Health Global Multiplier Great Depression Great Recession Hawkers Health Hotel Housekeepers Human Rights due Diligence India Industrial Relations Informal Employment Institutions International Aid Policy International Framework Agreements Investment Partnership (TTIP) Investment Partnerships Iran Korean Shipbuilding Industry Kuznets Labor Labour Broking Labour Income Share Labour Markets Labour Reform Leadership Left Legislation Loi Travail Macroeconomic Performance Management Manufacturing Marshall Plan Metal Workers Migrant Domestic Workers Militarised Capitalism Mineworkers NASVI National Health Service Neolibaralism Networking New Progressive Consensus Online Campaigning Options for the Euro Area Paternalism Patriarchy Pensions Performance Standards Political Alliances Poverty Reduction Precariousness Prison Labour Prisoners Private Plantations Progressive Tax Reform Protectionism Protests Public Policy Quebec Racism Rank-and-File Member Redistribution Regulation of Labour Rent Seeking Rural Development Ruskin SEWA Securitization Sex Work Shadow Banking Shaft Stewards Social Audit Social Development Social Movement Social Transformation Solidarity Economy Spain Sportswear Industry State Stellenbosch Street Trading Street Vendors Strike Ban Strikes Structural Changes Supply Chains Swedish Model Tertiary Education Top Income Shares Tourism Trade Liberalisation Trade Misinvoicing Transatlantic Trade Transformation Transparency Transport Trump Tunsia Turkey Unfree Labour Union 4.0 Union Strategy Unions Universal Health Coverage (UHC) Voluntary Initiatives Wage Employment Wage Inequality Wage Share West Africa Wild Cat Strike Winelands Women Women’s Movement Workers` Organization Youth

    PUBLICATIONS

    Click here to view more

    Blog Archive

    • ►  2020 (1)
      • ►  September (1)
    • ►  2017 (40)
      • ►  December (4)
      • ►  November (2)
      • ►  October (3)
      • ►  September (5)
      • ►  July (4)
      • ►  June (6)
      • ►  May (4)
      • ►  April (3)
      • ►  March (2)
      • ►  February (4)
      • ►  January (3)
    • ►  2016 (34)
      • ►  December (3)
      • ►  November (2)
      • ►  October (2)
      • ►  September (4)
      • ►  August (4)
      • ►  July (2)
      • ►  June (3)
      • ►  May (4)
      • ►  April (1)
      • ►  March (4)
      • ►  February (3)
      • ►  January (2)
    • ►  2015 (32)
      • ►  December (2)
      • ►  November (5)
      • ►  October (4)
      • ►  September (2)
      • ►  August (1)
      • ►  July (2)
      • ►  June (5)
      • ►  May (3)
      • ►  April (2)
      • ►  March (2)
      • ►  February (3)
      • ►  January (1)
    • ▼  2014 (32)
      • ►  December (3)
      • ►  November (1)
      • ►  October (4)
      • ►  September (3)
      • ►  August (1)
      • ▼  July (3)
        • Chinese Construction Companies in Africa: A Challe...
        • Turkey seen through the Prism of Occupational Dise...
        • Labour Issues in Indonesian Plantations: from Inde...
      • ►  June (6)
      • ►  May (2)
      • ►  April (3)
      • ►  March (2)
      • ►  February (2)
      • ►  January (2)
    • ►  2013 (41)
      • ►  December (3)
      • ►  November (2)
      • ►  October (5)
      • ►  September (4)
      • ►  August (1)
      • ►  July (4)
      • ►  June (3)
      • ►  May (4)
      • ►  April (3)
      • ►  March (4)
      • ►  February (4)
      • ►  January (4)
    • ►  2012 (35)
      • ►  December (3)
      • ►  November (4)
      • ►  October (4)
      • ►  September (2)
      • ►  August (2)
      • ►  July (2)
      • ►  June (2)
      • ►  May (4)
      • ►  April (3)
      • ►  March (3)
      • ►  February (4)
      • ►  January (2)
    • ►  2011 (39)
      • ►  December (3)
      • ►  November (4)
      • ►  October (3)
      • ►  September (4)
      • ►  August (3)
      • ►  July (2)
      • ►  June (3)
      • ►  May (3)
      • ►  April (4)
      • ►  March (4)
      • ►  February (4)
      • ►  January (2)
    • ►  2010 (39)
      • ►  December (3)
      • ►  November (5)
      • ►  October (4)
      • ►  September (2)
      • ►  August (2)
      • ►  July (3)
      • ►  June (4)
      • ►  May (1)
      • ►  April (4)
      • ►  March (4)
      • ►  February (4)
      • ►  January (3)
    • ►  2009 (5)
      • ►  December (3)
      • ►  November (2)

     
    Copyright © 2011 Global Labour Column Archive | Powered by Blogger
    Design by Free WordPress Themes | Bloggerized by Lasantha - Premium Blogger Themes | 100 WP Themes