John Evans

When the economic crisis broke following the collapse of Lehman Brothers in September 2008 and the global banking system seized up, workers began to be laid off, families saw their houses repossessed and banks teetered on the brink of collapse. Financial panic knew no frontiers. It was clear that a coordinated global response by governments and institutions was required to counter what the IMF termed the “Great Recession”. The major economies used the G20 as the forum to coordinate their responses, scaling it up from a low-key Finance Ministers’ Forum into a Heads of Government Summit process – effectively replacing the G8.

The international trade union movement responded rapidly[1], matching the “heat” of the street with the “light” of policy messages coming out of the G20 Summits. Trade union demands centred on stabilising employment, putting in place social protection for workers hit by the crisis, and effective and coordinated government intervention to support the global economy so as to prevent the “Great Recession” becoming a 1930s-style “Great Depression”. Three years later, with the crisis in a new and even more dangerous phase and major economies slipping into recession, the trade union agenda is as valid as it ever was.

Léonce Ndikumana

James K. Boyce

Financial scams often cheat working people. In most cases, the victims simply lose their money. In Africa, some lose their lives.

Sub-Saharan Africa experienced an exodus of more than US$700 billion in capital flight since 1970, a sum that far surpasses the region’s external outstanding debt of roughly US$175 billion. Some of the money wound up in private accounts at the same banks that were making loans to African governments.

Inflows of foreign borrowing and outflows of capital flight are closely intertwined. As we document in the book Africa’s Odious Debts, there is a strong correlation between the two. For every dollar of foreign borrowing, on average more than 50 cents leaves the borrower country in the same year. This tight relationship suggests that Africa’s public external debts and private external assets are connected by a financial revolving door.

Ognian N. Hishow

The global economic crisis caused demand in the European Union (EU) to drop to low levels. In order to mitigate the effects of the crisis, stimulus packages were hastily put up in the old member states (OMS). A considerable part of the spending was directed to the financial and banking sectors as it was concluded that these were systemically important. In addition, the core sector of Europe’s industry, car production, also received significant financial support.

Both the banking sector and the automotive industry play a crucial role in the new member states (NMS) of the EU. Hence one would expect that spending on banks and automotive firms in Western Europe, where the OMS are located, is what would have kept Eastern Europe’s economy, where most of the NMS are located, afloat during the crisis. Yet that assumption is wrong; the money that has gone to the big international European corporations has largely benefited them alone. To see why, it is important to consider how the economic integration of the NMS was conducted.